Its no astound the divorce may get messy – its the end of a 60 -year love-hate relationship and the UKs commitment was always ambivalent

It had been on the rocks for years. But on a memorably stormy night last June, Britain decided its decades-long union with the EU had finally and irretrievably broken down. Today, it registers for divorce.

As is usually the acces, the nine intervening months have attended a lot of posturing. Britain has threatened to walk away if it does not get what it requires which looks like most of the benefits of wedlock without any of the obligations.

The EU has told, frequently, that whatever settlement the two parties do contact on divided among the belonging, sorting out the money, agreeing access to the children the future relationship must be worse for the UK than wedding.

It could all get fairly chaotic. But such courses of true love between Britain and the EU has rarely run smoothly. What plays out over the coming months will, after all, be the end of a lovehate relation that has lasted 60 times.

When the six founding members of the European Economic Community( France, West Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg) signed the treaty of Rome in 1957 and first asked for Britains hand, it said thanks, but no thanks.

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Mayor of Rome Umberto Tupini, addresses delegates of the six societies( France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg) signing the treaty establishing Rome in 1957. Photograph: AP

Buoyed by a confidence in its own exceptionalism, by memories of a great empire and a splendid campaign, the UK was, after all, a major power: it had a seat on the UN security council, a special relation with the US, a Commonwealth.

Detached from the continent both physically and culturally, it did not requirement Europe and evidenced it, by sending a mid-ranking trade official, one Russell Bretherton, to the treaty subscribe as a merely observer.

But by the early 1960 s, “ministers ” Harold Macmillan had realised the error( it came down to trade, of course) and begun constituting overtures towards Brussels. This time, the brush-off came from Europe, or more particularly France.

In 1963, Charles de Gaulle said non. Britain had very special, very original practices and habits, the French chairwoman said, and differ from continentals it would only be an Anglo-Saxon Trojan horse in a European stable.

The observation was certainly prescient, but for Britain still upsetting. Macmillan, literally, wept. It was not until 1973 that Britain by now manager by a convinced European, Ted Heath eventually tied the bow with Europe.

Sadly, the honeymoon was scarcely over before the bickering began. Within a year, the UK was calling for wholesale improve to the common agricultural program( CAP) and in 1975 Harold Wilsons Labour government called an in/ out referendum.

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British prime minister Margaret Thatcher chairs the 1986 EEC financial top in London. Photograph: Steve Wilkinson/ AFP/ Getty Images

Seven Labour cabinet ministers campaigned for Brexit, but Maggie Thatcher shone for remain and two-thirds of the country voted to stand. The Labour partys 1983 electoral campaign was crusaded on breaking up up with Europe but it lost.

The following year, though, Britain won its first serious spat with Europe: Thatcher was contended that the iniquities of the CAP signified the UK was contributing mode more than its fair share of the bill, and she wanted her coin back.

Britain got its rebate although it was not as big as it wanted and Thatcher made an early European honour as Britains Iron Lady. Gradually, the dynamics on Britains side of such relationships were shifting.

Realising that European commissioning chairman Jacques Delorss idea of a social Europe might keep works from the most difficult the consequences of Thatchers free-market capitalism, Labour started to quite like the idea.

But the notion was born in the Conservative party that far from has become a cooperative multinational venture in which Britain had its fair say, Europe was, in fact, a malevolent continental plot bent on robbing it of its sovereignty.

In 1988, just two years after she signed the 1986 Single European Act that cleaned away many of “the member states national” vetoes forbidding the way to the single grocery, Thatcher stood up in Bruges and flogged out at Brussels.

She had been revealed, she said: Europe was not just a common market, but a federalist superstate in the making. Gradually but surely, the UK specially the Conservative party, and the anti-European press began hardening its heart.

This was, they bickered, at root an abusive relationship: France restrained the relevant institutions; Germany predominated their own economies; continental idealism loped counter, everywhere, to sensible Anglo-Saxon pragmatism.

In 1992, the UK disintegrated calamitously out of the European Exchange Rate Mechanism( ERM ). And although John Major won opt-outs on the common currency and the social section on laborers privileges at Maastricht, the Eurosceptic genie was out of the bottle.

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Sterling traders at NatWests foreign exchange department, as the pound still remained in the danger zone on Europes ERM in 1992. Photograph: James Jim James/ PA

There were harsh statements, fierce insurrections, and incendiary headlines( few pairing the Sun iconic Up Yours Delors from 1990 ). In the end , not even the early charm of a properly pro-European Tony Blair, elected in 1997, could squeeze it back in.

He did his best. The sequence over beef exports during the BSE crisis aside, these were happy days in the Anglo-EU marriage: Blair opted back in to the social assembly and was praised from Brussels to Berlin. He even got on with Jacques Chirac.

But in all areas of the Blair times, most of the press and a hard core of Reactionary, stimulus on by a new-ish anti-EU defendant announced Ukip, continues to requisition a divorce. Brussels was bureaucratic, arrogant, wasteful, undemocratic, unreformable.

It likewise wanted to control our magistrates, our soldiers, our farmers. We were was governed by unelected Eurocrats, barmy Brussels officials and po-faced EU pen-pushers who wanted to ban pounds and ounces, bendy bananas and doubledecker buses.

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Nigel Farage speaks to Ukip adherents outside the House of Commons. Image: Sean Smith for the Guardian

In a clearly defined signaling of acrimony onward, a key factor in David Camerons triumphant 2005 bid to lead the Conservative proved to be his isolationist pledge to pull the party out of the central centre-right group in the European parliament.

And with the Anglo-EU relationship rapidly degrading once more, it took Cameron just a year after growing “ministers ” in 2010 before he deployed the ultimate artillery the veto at a high-stakes 2011 top.

Two years later, Cameron increasingly alarmed at the prospect of losing Eurosceptic Conservative voters( and MPs) to Ukip predicted an in/ out vote on Britains EU membership if he won the 2015 general election.

As if to confirm his fears, Ukip, stirring hay on EU immigration, finished top in the 2014 European elections , winning 28% of the voting rights. There was a final, bruising spat as Cameron tried urgently to negotiate a brand-new EU spate and that was it.

We know the rest, of course. Cameron out, Theresa May in, the Department for Exiting the European Union developed. Heated the discussions on the single sell, customs union, European court of justice, great repeal bill.

We know all about hard Brexit, soft Brexit, and Brexit represents Brexit, and have become leavers or remoaners( plus some enemies of the peoples of the territories ). And after 44 years of a tumultuous marriage, Britain and the EU are very nearly over.

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