Last week the French chairperson experienced celebrity trips from Rihanna and Bono. But as political world gnaws, his ratings have begun to drop
A young manager processions to role promising sweeping change and buoyed by hopes that he will introduce a brand-new mode of politics to supplant a rejected foundation. He seems to walk on water and to be in touch with his times as he injects fresh life into international picks and invites pop idols to the official residence. Tony Blair 1997 or Emmanuel Macron 2017; Cool Britannia at Downing Street or, as we saw last week, Rihannaand Bonoat the lyse Palace to discuss world education and poverty.
But if it took half a dozen times for the Blair halo to lose its lustre, the French chairperson is already facing negative mentions that he is a bit extremely good to be true, that he is proving too big for his boots and that his predicted brand-new start for France will run aground on the familiar difficulties that stymied his precedes. Undeterred, nonetheless, by the analysi and descending canvas counts, Macron forged ahead last week with initiatives wandering from nationalising the countrys biggest shipbuilder, STX France, to presiding at a join where Libyas two main rival captains agreed to call a ceasefire and hold elections, as his wife Brigitte bounded down the steps of the palace to salute Rihanna.
Three months after his poll became inevitable as he faced the rightwing Front Nationals Marine Le Pen in the second round of the presidential engagement, the inevitable is continuing to happen. The youngest of French chairwomen is growing embroiled whether he likes it or not in the everyday business of government. He says he wants to rule as a Jupiter operating above the political upheaval as he delivers thunderbolt judgements and educations. His prototype is Charles de Gaulle, who built the semi-monarchical chairmen of the Fifth Republic in 1958 to enable him to rule above defendant disagreements in a way that would bring the French together behind his leadership.
It didnt used to work fairly like that for members of the general, who was forced into an unwelcome run-off ballot at the 1965 general elections and resigned 4 years later after losing a referendum poll. In France, partisan political disagreements and push from vested interest never will be eliminated. The question is whether the president can gain enough expressed support for transcend them, as De Gaulle did in the early years of the Fifth Republic, or whether they dictate episodes, as has happened under Macrons three predecessors.