Last week the French chairperson enjoyed luminary trips from Rihanna and Bono. But as political reality pierces, his ratings have begun to drop
A young captain processions to place promising sweeping change and buoyed by said that he hoped he will introduce a brand-new style of politics to change a rejected foundation. He seems to walk on water and to be in touch with his times as he introduces fresh life into international draws and invites pop suns to the official residence. Tony Blair 1997 or Emmanuel Macron 2017; Cool Britannia at Downing Street or, as we saw last week, Rihannaand Bonoat the lyse Palace to discuss world education and poverty.
But if it took half a dozen times for the Blair halo to lose its lustre, the French chairwoman is already facing negative mentions that he is a bit too good to be true, that he is proving too big for his boots and that his predicted new start for France will run aground on the familiar questions that stymied his precedes. Undeterred, nonetheless, by the review and falling ballot counts, Macron forged ahead last week with initiatives straying from nationalising the countrys biggest shipbuilder, STX France, to presiding at a session where Libyas two main rival governors agreed to call a ceasefire and hold elections, as his wife Brigitte bounded down the steps of the palace to greet Rihanna.
Three months after his poll became inevitable as he faced the rightwing Front Nationals Marine Le Pen in the second round of the presidential engagement, the inevitable is continuing to happen. The youngest of French chairpeople is growing involved whether he likes it or not in the everyday business of government. He says he wants to rule as a Jupiter operating above the political upheaval as he extradites thunderbolt judgements and educations. His prototype is Charles de Gaulle, who proved the semi-monarchical chairmen of the Fifth Republic in 1958 to enable him to rule above party separations in a way that would bring the French together behind his leadership.
It didnt work out quite like that for the general, who was forced into an unwanted run-off referendum at the 1965 presidential election and vacated four years later after losing a referendum election. In France, partisan political divisions and pressure from vested interests never go away. The interrogate is whether the president can gain enough support to transcend them, as De Gaulle did in the early years of the Fifth Republic, or whether the government has impose incidents, as has happened under Macrons three predecessors.