Her reversal of many of David Camerons flagship programs is already inciting backbench revolts

Theresa May arrived in Downing Street from the Home office in July with a honour for being risk averse. The party she leads as prime minister has a wafer-thin driving majority in the House of Commons of 17.

As the opposition parties point out until they are off-color in the face, she is an accidental “ministers ” with no general election authorization, who washed up at No 10 only as a result of the Brexit tsunami. Just over two months on, however, any suggestion that May would carefully brandish the ability unexpectedly thrust upon her, easing her method in before building her marking, has been dispelled.

Her ruthless cabinet purge of David Camerons inner circle in her first days in charge has been followed by a systematic re-examination of Cameroonian policies. Michael Goves prison reforms are on hold. George Osbornes deficit-cutting programs ought to have ditched, signalling more district asset and an terminate to austerity.

The former chancellors northern powerhouse ideas are being subsumed into a wider national regeneration programme. Bold a blueprint for tackling obesity have been irrigated down. Tory housing policy, so long concentrate on home ownership, is to be recast with increased emphasis on facilitating those in the rented sector. Most controversially of all, May wants to expand the number of grade school, something was rejected by Cameron and that was never on the radar of his reforming former education secretary Michael Gove, cast by May into outer darkness on day one of her premiership.

The new prime ministers approach has, in some respects, seemed to court hazard rather than avoid it. Tory MPs loyal to the old ordering, and those dismissed on the part of governments by May, feel bruised and talk carefully but intentionally, in system. Bold to say the least, said one sacked official last week, growing his eyebrows and adding that he was one of a lot of the individuals who she needs to vote with her on things.

On Monday in the Commons, the new education secretary, Justine Greening, passed items of the prime ministers grammar school change .~ ATAGEND We do not want to see a return to the old pure binary numeration system of good colleges and bad academies, she said. Every child deserves a situate in a great The Speaker had to intervene as the opposition terraces erupted, questioning where their respective mandates for more grade school was. Labours Angela Rayner said, to cheers from opponent terraces, that the brand-new Tory agenda was one of segregation, discrimination, segregation.

Then Tory doubters spoke out one after another. First to his paws was former Tory education secretary Kenneth Clarke, who questioned Greening to make sure that this change does not injury the opportunities for pupils in other schools and does not distract priority from causing the terms and conditions of all schools for all pupils which has been the objective of this government.

Nicky Morgan, sacked by May as education secretary, singer her perturbs, as did the normally restraint Tory chairman of educational opportunities select committee, Neil Carmichael. There is no desire in my constituency for us to have pick, said another dismissed rector, Anna Soubry, before former Northern Ireland secretary Theresa Villiers weighed in. Labours Lucy Powell and Nic Dakin counted the second largest between each Tory member saying how much they welcomed Greenings desire to widen opportunity and the moment “theyre saying” but.

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David Cameron said he was stepping down as an MP to avoid being a distraction. Image: Jack Taylor/ Getty Images

On any other day, Greenings rigors would have attained big headlines. As it was, David Cameron elected Monday to announce that he was standing down as an MP. The former PM insisted that he was not going in a huff because May was trashing his policies but because he did not want to be a distraction. May had gone off to a cracking start, he said.

Two months into her premiership, Theresa Mays poll ratings remain in honeymoon region. She is investigated by most voters as a reassuring proximity and a strong and skilled leader, while the ratings for Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn are grim. She is also seen as slightly less rightwing than Cameron, and her chancellor, Philip Hammond, as a little to the left of his predecessor Osborne.

Before she recruited Downing Street for the first time on 13 July,May said her government would not be driven by the interests of the privileged few but by those who had had little or none. We will do everything we can to give you more domination over your lives. When we take the big calls, well think not of the strong, but you. When we pass new laws well listen not to the mighty, but to you. When it comes to taxes, well prioritise not the prosperou but you. She was clear, then, that the days of authority by the Notting Hill adjusted were over. But few expected her to move so fast and so boldly. Her supporters insist that a clear topic to her leader is already emerging, much of it molded by her joint chiefs of staff, the pro-grammar school Nick Timothy.

Unlike the Cameron inner circle, from which May felt excluded, they say she requires not only had demonstrated that she cares about the bottom 10%, but all those who deserve an opportunity. One ally said: To her, the northern powerhouse looked like a gesticulate, like it was just about being generous to the north. She wants to prioritise the whole country. If you understand that, you begin to understand her.

Writing on these sheets, Phillip Blond, the inventor of one-nation red-Toryism who became disillusioned with Cameron, says May is developing a new post-liberal Conservatism that challenges the idea of so much superpower and abundance being concentrated in the mitts of the elite. For Blond and other communitarian conservative intellectuals, the hope is that the May era will herald an purpose to laissez-faire economics and usher in an era of proactive government, dedicated to building a more all-inclusive culture. Quite how her approaching to grammar schools will be contributing all children, however, was a matter being asked by far more Tory MPs than are needed to kill her flagship education intention stone dead in the Commons. The Cameroons are not happy and joke that her biggest accomplishment in bureau so far has been to unite Struggled over grammar school in a way it could not have managed itself.

Meanwhile, Osborne has propelled an organisation to reboot the northern powerhouse intuition .~ ATAGEND Last week, at an happen hosted by the pollsters Opinium and the Social Market Foundation, Nicky Morgan proposed May would shortfall the appeal to centre-ground voters that Cameron had.

With Brexit to deal with, a majority of 17 and no direct mandate of her own, Theresa May may soon realise the downside of taking risks.

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George Osbornes plan to abolish the deficit was among the first Cameron policy to be jettisoned. Photo: Paul Ellis/ AFP/ Getty Images

CAMERON REFORMS BEING REVERSED

THE DEFICIT

The Tory election manifesto in May 2015 was clear: The space to keep their own economies self-assured for the future is to eliminate the deficit entirely and start loping a surplus. Anything less would be to ignore the lessons of the past. Then came Brexit, out led David Cameron and George Osborne and all that changed. Even before growing ruler, Theresa May said she would no longer seek to reach a budget surplus by 2020, abandoning Osbornes guaranteed to more than balance the books by the next election. In July, his successor as chancellor, Phillip Hammond, disappeared further, saying his first autumn statement would be a chance to reset monetary programme. The evidence are likely to marker an tip to austerity with which Osborne will always be associated and usher in an era of more territory speculation to elevate its national economy, improve infrastructure and create jobs.

NORTHERN POWERHOUSE

On Friday, Osborne said Mays government had had a wobble on his plans for a northern powerhouse. But he claimed through gritted teeth that it was now 100% committed. Nonetheless, that overstated current realities. May made it clear on participating No 10 that she wanted a broader, nationwide industrial strategy rather than merely a northern one an approach that plowed the entire country. Initially, she even seemed reluctant to use the word northern powerhouse, manifesting her clear territories and suggesting that she thought it was a something of a stunt. To keep the flame of their own policies, which he launched in 2014, very much alive Osborne announced on Friday that he would chair a brand-new organisation to advance the plans, including greater devolution of powers.

OBESITY

Mays government has come under fire from the BMA, the Tory chair of the health select committee, Dr Sarah Wollaston, and personality chef, Jamie Oliver, for irrigating down plans for an ambitious anti-obesity programme. Professor Parveen Kumar, chair of the BMAs board of science, said the government had rowed back on its promises by announcing what looks like a strong proposal, rather than the robust programme it predicted. Yielded regards that NHS legislations are flying from the consequences of obesity, the governmental forces left itself open to attack. It said nutrient companies would not be compelled to reduce different levels of carbohydrate in commodities but would be subject to voluntary targets. Kumar said this approach would be pointless. Wollaston said the plans showed the handwriting of big-hearted manufacture lobbyists. Executives said the plans, including a voluntary target to cut carbohydrate in children meat and drinking, were bold and announced new measures to try to expand sporting proviso in primary schools.

GRAMMAR SCHOOLS

David Cameron said in 2006 that he did not require a return to selection. The promise of returning back grammar schools “ve always been” incorrect and Ive never subsidized it. And I dont envisage any Conservative government would have done it. Instead, his government sought to raise criteria across the territory sphere by increasing academy freedom through the expansion of establishments and Michael Goves free schools project. May changed tack unexpectedly, inspiring a huge sequence and heightening fears among many of her MPs. For too long, we have tolerated a method that contains an arbitrary ruler preventing select institutions from being established sacrificing childrens potential because of belief and ideology, she said. The truth is that we already have assortment in our school system and its selection by mansion price, selection by fortune. That is simply unfair.

HOUSING

Mays housing minister, Gavin Barwell, intimated strongly in a communication that the governmental forces would shift its focus from home ownership to helping those in the hired sector. We need to build more homes of every single type and not focus on one single term, he said in terms that were seen in the housing manufacture as softening it up for a change of counseling. Barwell appeared to recognise that many of those most in need are renters, who desire more safety and protection. He likewise suggested that the governmental forces could ditch plans to build 200,000 starter homes by 2020 a programme that has been largely criticised on the grounds that such homes, although supposedly for those working on low incomes, would turn out to be unaffordable for the less well off.

PRISON REFORMS

The brand-new right secretary, Liz Truss, shed Goves plans for sweeping reforms of prisons in England and Wales into massive incredulity within weeks of penetrating bureau. Under Goves strategies, prisons would have gained more see over budgets and how people passed. Truss said she was not committing to the existing legislation. The Ministry of Justice insisted it was still totally committed to prison reform although what emerges is likely to be Trusss blueprint. She told the Commons justice committee that she wanted to speed up the pace of change, including establishing ministers greater autonomy, as Gove intimated, but was looking at the overall system.

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Phillip Blond Photograph: Stephane Grangier – Corbis/ Corbis via Getty Images

WHAT THE ANALYSTS SAY

PHILLIP BLOND, DIRECTOR OF THE CENTRE-RIGHT RESPUBLICA THINKTANK

To chart the direction of the Conservative party under Theresa May, one is no need point out the distinction between her and David Cameron.

Cameron regrettably( and despite the early PR) turned out to be quite conventional. He was both an economic liberal and a social radical, whereas I suspect May is neither. This does not stimulate her a reactionary, but potentially somebody who can be revolutionary and can create a transformative and good post-liberal politics.

Across the west, the failure of the liberal elite( both left and right) to recognise the damage liberalism has wrought has caused all manner of reactionary politics, from Trump in the US to Le Pen in France. Yet we have failed to identify the justification ever more extreme liberalism. On liberalisms watch, we have visualized a massive concentration of wealth and supremacy; whereas socially, we have witnessed the removal and dishonour of working-class beings, coupled with the mindless endorsement of mass migration, as if we are capable of oust the servile class with those more compliant. Unless we develop a non-regressive word of politics, the future promises to be more primitive and occupied by racists, patriots and perhaps tyrants, because the conventional core is vacate, outmoded and has nothing to offer.

That is why I have great hopes for May she has the right the objective and doesnt believes in age-old answers. From has acknowledged that infrastructure such as Hinkley Point shouldnt just go to the highest bidder but that government should retain a veto, to the idea that the poor, like the middle class, should have access to superb schools.

Expect more of the same, from mutualising infrastructure such as railways, to creating assets and savings for working people. I can also imagine her remodelling movement based on the results of shared values and integration, so as to draw its poison and save Britain open to the world. In short, May is post-liberal, and that could be the most progressive politics we have had in decades.

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David Green Photograph: Linda Nylind for the Guardian

DAVID GREEN, DIRECTOR OF THE CIVITAS THINKTANK

Is Mayism different? Thatcherism was dominated by the view that freedom is the lack of government, which connoted reducing the scope of the state by deregulating and privatising.

For Mayism, exemption is a political accomplishment. If everyone is to have a were participating in fortune, then it requires active government , not least in the form of a proper industrial strategy.

Cameronism was more about image house than problem solving. Putting forward plan suggestions under him might have got the reaction: Thats a good way, I can use that in a lecture. Not so now. Mayism is different because it recognises that globalisation has not delivered for everyone. During the EU debate, Tories such as Boris Johnson criticised globalisation as evidenced in the four democracies of the EU. They have little to do with personal freedom. Rather, they are the doctrines of laissez-faire economics, which lumps together four different things. Goods and services are produced with the purchase and selling in attention; but labour and money are not principally commodities.

Gordon Brown to benefit from “re saying that” the free movement of labour was counter-inflationary, which could only be the result of lowering wages. Now Theresa May defines the lowering of compensations as a number of problems. Extremely much migration does it harder for beings to make ends meet and achieve their personal best.

The surprising commitment to grade school comes from the same philosophical spring. To be free is to be able to develop your flairs to the full, but active government is needed to give everyone a fighting chance.

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Ayesha Hazarika Photograph: sent by her

AYESHA HAZARIKA, POLITICAL COMMENTATOR AND FORMER ADVISER TO HARRIET HARMAN AND ED MILIBAND

Theresa May is no novice. She may have arrived at the top profession by accident, but she has had a ringside seat at the top of politics for more than a decade.

Although everyone, including George Osborne, is up in arms about the return of grammars and, makes be honest, secondary moderns there is some procedure in her madness.

She is normally an evidence-based prudent politician, yet has climbed headlong into this row with sparkle and exuberance. Why? The obvious ground is because she is trying to employed clear ocean between her and Cameron. But there is more to it than that.She will know how critical the first big minutes are for a brand-new prime minister. Your first words on the phases of Downing Street. Your first PMQs. Your first hires and fervors. And critically, your first fight.

She knows the grade school sequence will not be easy. Numerous on her own line-up abhor it. The Lords will form serious trouble and it even coalesces the Labor party. But she knows that grassroots backers and swaying Ukip voters, who may come back to the Tories, will see a fight for something which feels true blue , nostalgic, populist and bold.

But she should beware. As her precede discovered, what starts as scratching an ideological irritation can end up being a fatal political wound.

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