Her reversal of many of David Camerons flagship plans is already inciting backbench revolts

Theresa May arrived in Downing Street from the Main office in July with a honour for being risk averse. The party she passes as prime minister has a wafer-thin acting majority in the House of Commons of 17.

As the opposition political parties point out until they are blue-blooded in the look, she is an accidental “ministers ” with no general election mandate, who washed up at No 10 merely as a result of the Brexit tsunami. Just over 2 month on, however, any suggestion that May would carefully swing the capability abruptly thrust upon her, easing her room in before doing her symbol, has been dispelled.

Her ruthless cabinet purge of David Camerons inner circle in her first days in charge has been followed by a systematic re-examination of Cameroonian programmes. Michael Goves prison improvements are on hold. George Osbornes deficit-cutting strategies have been trenched, signalling more nation asset and an terminate to austerity.

The former chancellors northern powerhouse suggestions are being subsumed into a wider national regeneration strategy. Bold plans for tackling obesity have been irrigated down. Tory housing policy, so long concentrate on home ownership, must therefore be recast with more emphasis on facilitating those in the rented sphere. Most controversially of all, May wants to expand the number of grammar school, something was rejected by Cameron and that was never on the radar of his improving former education secretary Michael Gove, shed by May into outer darkness on day one of her premiership.

The new prime ministers approaching has, in some respects, seems to tribunal hazard rather than avoid it. Tory MPs loyal to the age-old ordering, and those dismissed from government by May, tone bruised and talk carefully but intentionally, in system. Bold to say the least, said one sacked official last week, developing his eyebrows and adding that he was one of a lot of people who she needs to vote with her on things.

On Monday in the Commons, the new education secretary, Justine Greening, afforded items of the cabinet of ministers grammar school revolution .~ ATAGEND We do not want to see a return to the old pure binary numeration system of good colleges and bad institutions, she said. Every child deserves a residence in a great The Speaker had to intervene as the opponent terraces began, asking where her mandate for more grade school was. Labours Angela Rayner said, to merriments from resist benches, that the new Tory agenda was one of discrimination, discrimination, segregation.

Then Tory doubters spoke out one after another. First to his feet was former Tory education secretary Kenneth Clarke, who questioned Greening to make sure that this change does not shattering their chances of pupils in other schools and does not distract priority from promoting the standards of all schools for all pupils which has been the objective of this government.

Nicky Morgan, sacked by May as education secretary, expressed her dwells, as did the normally constrained Tory chairmen of the education select committee, Neil Carmichael. There is no desire in my constituency for us to have pick, said another rejected official, Anna Soubry, before former Northern Ireland secretary Theresa Villiers weighed in. Labours Lucy Powell and Nic Dakin weighed the seconds between each Tory member saying how much they welcomed Greenings desire to widen opportunity and the moment “theyre saying” but.

David Cameron said he was stepping down as an MP to avoid being a distraction. Image: Jack Taylor/ Getty Images

On any other era, Greenings difficulties would have obliged big headlines. As it was, David Cameron opted Monday to announce that he was accepting down as an MP. The former PM insisted that he was not going in a huff because May was junking his policies but because he did not want to be a distraction. May had got off to a cracking start, he said.

Two months into her premiership, Theresa Mays poll ratings remain in honeymoon area. She is met by most voters as a reassuring spirit and a strong and proficient commander, while the ratings for Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn are grim. She is also seen as slightly less rightwing than Cameron, and her chancellor, Philip Hammond, as a little to the left of his predecessor Osborne.

Before she penetrated Downing Street for the first time on 13 July,May said her government has not been able to be driven by the interests of the privileged few but by those who had had little or none. We will do everything we can to give you more see over your lives. When we take the big calls, well think not of the powerful, but you. When we overtake new laws well listen not to the mighty, but to you. When the time comes to taxes, well prioritise not the prosperou but you. She was clear, then, that the days of government by the Notting Hill set were over. But few expected her to move so fast and so boldly. Her backers insist that a clearly defined theme to her leader is already emerging, often of it molded by her joint chiefs of staff, the pro-grammar school Nick Timothy.

Unlike the Cameron inner circle, from which May detected eliminated, they say she wants not just to show that she cares about the bottom 10%, but all those who deserve a chance. One ally said: To her, the northern powerhouse was like a gesticulate, like it was just about being generous to the north. She wants to prioritise the whole country. If you understand that, you begin to understand her.

Writing on these pages, Phillip Blond, the discoverer of one-nation red-Toryism who grew disillusioned with Cameron, says May is developing a brand-new post-liberal Conservatism that challenges the relevant recommendations of so much influence and opulence being concentrated in the sides of the elite. For Blond and other communitarian conservative thinkers, the hope is that the May era will herald an intent to laissez-faire economics and usher in an age of proactive authority, dedicated to building a more inclusive civilization. Quite how her approach to grammar schools will assist all children, however, is an issue being asked by far more Tory MPs than are needed to kill her flagship education contrive stone dead in the Commons. The Cameroons are not happy and parody that her biggest achievement in place so far has been to unite Struggled over grammar schools in a manner that is it could not have managed itself.

Meanwhile, Osborne has propelled an organisation to reboot the northern powerhouse theory .~ ATAGEND Last week, at an incident hosted by the pollsters Opinium and the Social Market Foundation, Nicky Morgan proposed May would need the appeal to centre-ground voters that Cameron had.

With Brexit to deal with, a majority of 17 and no direct mandate of her own, Theresa May may soon realise the downside of taking risks.

George Osbornes plan to abolish the deficit was among the first Cameron policy to be jettisoned. Photograph: Paul Ellis/ AFP/ Getty Images



The Tory election manifesto in May 2015 was clear: The space to keep our economy procure for the future is to eliminate the deficit entirely and start guiding a surplus. Anything less would be to ignore the lessons learned from the past. Then came Brexit, out extended David Cameron and George Osborne and all that changed. Even before becoming lead, Theresa May told me that she would no longer seek to reach a plan surplus by 2020, vacating Osbornes pledge to more than offset the books by the next election. In July, his successor as chancellor, Phillip Hammond, became further, saying his first autumn evidence would be a chance to reset fiscal programme. The evidence ought to be able to tag an extremity to austerity with which Osborne will always be associated and usher in an era of more country asset to boost their own economies, improve infrastructure and create jobs.


On Friday, Osborne said Mays government had had a wobble on his a blueprint for a northern powerhouse. But he claimed through gritted teeth that it was now 100% perpetrated. Nonetheless, that overstated the reality. May made it clear on participating No 10 that she missed a broader, nationwide industrial programme rather than simply a northern one an approach that treated the whole country. Initially, she even seemed reluctant to use the word northern powerhouse, reflecting her clear reservations and suggesting that she thought it was a something of a stunt. To keep the flare of the policy, which he launched in 2014, very much alive Osborne announced on Friday that he would chair a brand-new organisation to advance the plans, including greater devolution of powers.


Mays government has come under barrage from the BMA, the Tory chair of the health select committee, Dr Sarah Wollaston, and luminary chef, Jamie Oliver, for watering down plans for an ambitious anti-obesity strategy. Professor Parveen Kumar, chair of the BMAs board of science, said the government had rowed back on its predicts by announcing what looks like a feeble contrive, rather than the robust strategy it predicted. Passed regards that NHS invoices are rising as a result of obesity, the government left itself open to attack. It said food companionships would not be compelled to reduce high levels of carbohydrate in products but would be subject to voluntary targets. Kumar said this approach would be pointless. Wollaston said the plans presented the hand of large-scale industry lobbyists. Pastors said the plans, including a voluntary target to cut sugar in kids nutrient and potion, were bold and announced new measures to try to expand sporting fund in primary schools.


David Cameron said in 2006 that he did not require a return to selection. The potential of wreaking back grade school has always been wrong and Ive never subscribed it. And I dont repute any Republican authority would have done it. Instead, his administration sought to raise standards across the state sphere by increasing institution freedom through the expansion of establishments and Michael Goves free institutions programme. May changed tacking unexpectedly, prompting a huge row and developing pertains among many of her MPs. For too long, we have tolerated a arrangement that contains an arbitrary govern avoiding select academies from being established relinquishing childrens potential because of tenet and dogma, she said. The true is that we already have assortment in our school system and its selection by home toll, assortment by wealth. That is simply unfair.


Mays housing minister, Gavin Barwell, indicated strongly in a communication that the government would alter its focus from home ownership to helping those working in the rented sphere. We need to build more dwellings of every single type and not focus on one single tenure, he said in periods “thats been” seen in the home manufacture as softening it up for a change of direction. Barwell appeared to recognise that many of those most in need are renters, who desire more safety and protection. He likewise holds that the government could ditch plans to build 200,000 starter dwellings by 2020 a scheme that has been widely criticised on the grounds that such dwellings, although presumably for those working on low incomes, would turn out to be unaffordable for the less well off.


The brand-new right secretary, Liz Truss, threw Goves plans for sweeping reforms of prisons in England and Wales into big suspense within weeks of participating place. Under Goves hopes, prisons would have gained more domination over budgets and how people led. Truss said she was not committing to such legislation. The Ministry of Justice held it was still totally committed to prison reconstruct although what emerges is likely to be Trusss blueprint. She told the Commons justice committee that she wanted to speed up the tempo of change, including affording superintendents greater autonomy, as Gove proposed, but was looking at the overall system.

Phillip Blond Photograph: Stephane Grangier – Corbis/ Corbis via Getty Images



To chart the direction of the Conservative party under Theresa May, all we need to do is point out the differences among her and David Cameron.

Cameron regrettably( and despite the early PR) turned out to be quite conventional. He was both an economic radical and a social radical, whereas I suspect May is neither. This does not represent her a reactionary, but potentially somebody who can be revolutionary and can create a transformative and good post-liberal politics.

Across the west, the failure of the liberal elite( both left and right) to recognise the damage liberalism has wreaked has precipitated all manner of reactionary politics, from Trump in the US to Le Pen in France. Yet we have failed to identify the case ever more extreme liberalism. On liberalisms watch, we have checked a massive concentration of opulence and influence; whereas socially, we have witnessed the dismissal and mortification of working-class beings, coupled with the moronic endorsement of mass migration, as if we could change the subservient class with those more compliant. Unless we develop a non-regressive formation of politics, the future promises to be more primitive and colonized by racists, nationalists and perhaps fascists, because the conventional centre is drain, outmoded and has nothing to offer.

That is why I have great hopes for May she has the right targets and doesnt believe in age-old answers. From recognising that infrastructure such as Hinkley Point shouldnt just go to the highest bidder but that government should retain a veto, to the idea that the poor, like the middle class, should have access to excellent schools.

Expect more of the same, from mutualising infrastructure such as railways, to creating assets and savings for working man. I can also imagine her remodelling movement on the basis of shared values and desegregation, so as to draw its poison and retain Britain open to the world. In short, May is post-liberal, and that could be the most progressive politics we have had in decades.

David Green Photograph: Linda Nylind for the Guardian


Is Mayism different? Thatcherism was dominated by the view that freedom was the absence of government, which showed reducing the scope on the part of states by deregulating and privatising.

For Mayism, democracy is a political accomplishment. If everyone is to have a be participating in boom, then it requires active authority , not least in the form of a proper industrial strategy.

Cameronism was more about portrait building than problem solving. Putting forward policy thoughts under him might have got the reaction: Thats a good string, I can use that in a pronunciation. Not so now. Mayism is different because it recognises that globalisation has not delivered for everyone. During the EU debate, Tories such as Boris Johnson criticised globalisation as certified in the four liberties of the EU. They have little to do with personal freedom. Rather, they are the doctrines of laissez-faire economics, which lumps together four different things. Goods and services are produced with buying and selling in knowledge; but labour and money are not chiefly commodities.

Gordon Brown used to argue that the free movement of labour was counter-inflationary, which could only be the result of lowering payments. Now Theresa May defines the lowering of wages as a problem. Very much immigration makes it harder for people to make ends meet and achieve their personal best.

The surprising commitment to grammar school comes from the same philosophical spring. To be free is to be able to develop your endowments to the full, but active government is needed to give everyone a fighting chance.

Ayesha Hazarika Photograph: sent by her


Theresa May is no novice. She may have arrived at the top job by coincidence, but she has had a ringside seat at the top of politics for more than a decade.

Although everyone, including George Osborne, is up in arms about the render of grammars and, lets be honest, secondary moderns there is some method in her madness.

She is normally an evidence-based prudent politician, hitherto has rushed headlong into this sequence with gusto and fervor. Why? The obvious rationale is because she is trying to placed clear water between her and Cameron. But there is more to it than that.She will know how critical the first big instants are for a new “ministers “. Your first words on the phases of Downing Street. Your first PMQs. Your first hires and fervours. And critically, your first fight.

She knows the grade school sequence will not be easy. Many on her own side abhor it. The Lord will become serious trouble and it even combines the Labour party. But she knows that grassroots partisans and weaving Ukip voters, who may come back to the Tories, will see a fight for something which find true blue , wistful, populist and bold.

But she should beware. As her precede discovered, what starts as scratching an ideological rub can end up being a fatal political wound.


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